Madoff, Jews, Judaism and Money

An interesting article relating the close proximity between Jews and money, and in Madoff’s case, the deception and betrayal of a Jew to his co-religionists.

For a muslim, Jews and Christians are taught as People of the Book, given enlightenment by God before they chose a path for their religion for themselves. In Islam, whilst the teachings are preserved through the pristine Quran and Sunnah, the transmission of teachings of which are historically and academically proven, and the choices of muslims is now down to their own control of their personal will and desires. But I digress.

In the Seerah, we find how the Prophet treated the Jews of Bany Qurayzah (tbc) with kindness, before the ultimate act of betrayal of abrogating a peace treaty at the darkest hour of a potential siege on the muslims in Madinah during the height of the Battle of the Ditch forced the Prophet’s hand to show how to deal firmly when an act of trust is betrayed. And being the confused being that I am, though I think the Jewish double-standard and hyprocritical business dealings being justified through their Rabbis is proof of the fact that they have strayed from the right path, I absolutely admire their ability to have a stranglehold on business and finances in any society since time immemorial.

There was a though a pretty senseless comment made at this site which reads as below,

I’m surprised that this article has not triggered the standard Jew-bashing vitriol yet. Come on, let’s hear it from the marauding masses!

Which seems to suggest that the commentator has been taken in by Israel’s Zionist agenda. Anyone with some sense of justice would be able to look beyond Israel’s continued surreptitious, merciless and underhanded colonizing war against defenceless, down-trodden Palestinians, while portraying themselves as the victims of terrorism with their control on the global media. And this is backed by the UN through UN resolutions ever since the illegal occupation in 1948. And the negotiations with the ‘wildmen of the Arab world’ is to create a legal Israel state, thereby conveniently leaving out the argument of forceful occupation 60 years ago to legitimately consider Israel as a legal nation on the basis of the might of Israels’ friends. Amidst all these political maneuverings, principles, justice and truth are ridden roughshod. In Madoff’s case, from the Judaism perspective, and I say this cognizant of others in Judaism who deplore the Israeli political machinery that brings with it many predictions of Armageddon contained in the Talmud, it would seem that if you live by the sword, you die by the sword. You can’t have double standards in life.

Although I suppose my comments here is proof that I am anti-semitic and vitriol?

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http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/world/14739-in-madoff-scandal-jews-feel-an-acute-betrayal

In Madoff scandal, Jews feel an acute betrayal

NEW YORK, Dec 24 — There is a teaching in the Talmud that says an individual who comes before God after death will be asked a series of questions, the first one of which is, “Were you honest in your business dealings?”

But it is the Ten Commandments that have weighed most heavily on the mind of Rabbi David Wolpe of Sinai Temple in Los Angeles in light of the sins for which Bernard Madoff is accused of.

”You shouldn’t steal,” Rabbi Wolpe said. “And this is theft on a global scale.”

The full scope of the misdeeds to which Madoff has confessed in swindling individuals and charitable groups has yet to be calculated, and he is far from being convicted.

But Jews all over the country are already sending up something of a communal cry over a cost they say goes beyond the financial to the theological and the personal.

Here is a Jew accused of cheating Jewish organizations trying to help other Jews, they say, and of betraying the trust of Jews and violating the basic tenets of Jewish law. A Jew, they say, who seemed to exemplify the worst anti-Semitic stereotypes of the thieving Jewish banker.

So in synagogues and community centres, on blogs and in countless conversations, many Jews are beating their chests — not out of contrition, as they do on Yom Kippur, the Day of Atonement, but because they say Mr Madoff has brought shame on their people in addition to financial ruin and shaken the bonds of trust that bind Jewish communities.

“Jews have these familial ties,” Rabbi Wolpe said. “It’s not solely a shared belief; it’s a sense of close communal bonds, and in the same way that your family can embarrass you as no one else can, when a Jew does this, Jews feel ashamed by proxy. I’d like to believe someone raised in our community, imbued with Jewish values, would be better than this.”

Among the apparent victims of Madoff were many Jewish educational institutions and charitable causes that lost fortunes in his investments; they include Yeshiva University, Hadassah, the Jewish Community Centers Association of North America and the Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity.

The Chais Family Foundation, which worked on educational projects in Israel, was recently forced to shut down because of losses in Madoff investments. Many of Mr Madoff’s individual investors were Jewish and supported Jewish causes, apparently drawn to him precisely because of his own communal involvement and because he radiated the comfortable sense of being one of them.

“The Jewish world is not going to be the same for a while," said Rabbi Jeremy Kalmanofsky of Congregation Ansche Chesed in New York.

Jews are also grappling with the implications of Madoff's deeds for their public image, what one rabbi referred to as the “shanda factor,” using the Yiddish term for an embarrassing shame or disgrace. As Bradley Burston, a columnist for haaretz.com, the English-language website of the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, wrote on Dec 17: “The anti-Semite’s new Santa is Bernard Madoff. The answer to every Jew-hater’s wish list. The Aryan Nation at its most delusional couldn't have come up with anything to rival this.”

The Anti-Defamation League said in a statement that Madoff’s arrest had prompted an outpouring of anti-Semitic comments on websites around the world, most repeating familiar tropes about Jews and money.

Abraham H. Foxman, the group’s national director, said that canard went back hundreds of years, but he noted that anti-Semites did not need facts to be anti-Semitic.

“We’re not immune from having thieves and people who engage in fraud,” Foxman said in an interview, disputing any notion that Mr Madoff should be seen as emblematic. “Why, because he happens to be Jewish, he should have a conscience?”

He added that Madoff’s victims extended well beyond the Jewish community.

In addition to theft, the Torah discusses another kind of stealing, geneivat da'at, the Hebrew term for deception or stealing someone’s mind.

“In the rabbinic mind-set, he’s guilty of two sins: one is theft, and the other is deception,” said Burton L. Visotzky, a professor at the Jewish Theological Seminary.

“The fact that he stole from Jewish charities puts him in a special circle of hell,” Rabbi Visotzky added. “He really undermined the fabric of the Jewish community, because it’s built on trust. There is a wonderful rabbinic saying — often misapplied — that all Jews are sureties for one another, which means, for instance, that if a Jew takes a loan out, in

some ways the whole Jewish community guarantees it.”

Several rabbis said they were reminded of Esau, a figure of mistrust in the Bible. According to a rabbinic interpretation, Esau, upon embracing his brother Jacob after 20 years apart, was actually frisking him to see what he could steal. “The saying goes that, when Esau kisses you,” Rabbi Visotzky said, “check to make sure your teeth are still there.”

Rabbi Kalmanofsky said he was struck by reports that Madoff had tried to give bonus payments to his employees just before he was arrested, that he was moved to do something right even as he was about to be charged with doing so much wrong.

“The small-scale thought for people who work for him amidst this large-scale fraud — what is the dissonance between that sense of responsibility and the gross sense of irresponsibility? he said.

In a recent sermon, Rabbi Kalmanofsky described Madoff as the antithesis of true piety.

“I said, what it means to be a religious person is to be terrified of the possibility that you're going to harm someone else,” he said.

Rabbi Kalmanofsky said Judaism had highly developed mechanisms for not letting people control money without ample checks and balances. When tzedakah, or charity, is collected, it must be done so in pairs.

“These things are supposed to be done in the public eye,” Rabbi Kalmanofsky said, “so there is a high degree of confidence that people are behaving in honourable ways.”

While the Madoff affair has resonated powerfully among Jews, some say it actually stands for a broader dysfunction in the business world.

“The Bernie Madoff story has become a Jewish story,” said Rabbi Jennifer Krause, the author of “The Answer: Making Sense of Life, One Question at a Time,” “but I do see it in the much greater context of a human drama that is playing out in sensationally terrible ways in America right now.”

“The Talmud teaches that a person who only looks out for himself and his own interests will eventually be brought to poverty,” Rabbi Krause added.

“Unfortunately, this is the metadrama of what’s happening in our country right now. When you have too many people who are only looking out for themselves and they forget the other piece, which is to look out for others, we’re brought to poverty.”

According to Jewish tradition, the last question people are asked when they meet God after dying is, “Did you hope for redemption?”

Rabbi Wolpe said he did not believe Madoff could ever make amends.

“It is not possible for him to atone for all the damage he did,” the rabbi said, “and I don’t even think that there is a punishment that is commensurate with the crime, for the wreckage of lives that he’s left behind. The only thing he could do, for the rest of his life, is work for redemption that he would never achieve.” — NYT

liverpool held by 10-man arsenal last night

Arsenal – Liverpool 1-1 at Emirates, leaving Liverpool still top by 2 points, but they drop to second if Chelsea beat Everton at Woodison tonight, but I think Everton will put up a stiff fight, and it wont be a certainty like what it was with West Ham last week, and look what happened.

It was funny, Liverpool were beginning to exert control, though with very little chances being created, than RVP scored a gorgeous goal, where everything also just fell perfectly for him, but the execution was absolutely flawless – an absolute perfect 10 and it had to be. Then Liverpool began to turn the screw and out of nowhere Keane equalized, and Liverpool briefly threatened to run riot. Second half, Ade was dismissed, and suddenly, we lost steam.

Key points – Liverpool are very, very strong, even without Masch, Torres, Aurelio, and Gerrard, Kuyt and Alonso looking tired. Whether they can remain contenders, the next 2-3 results are very important, the run of draws, or heaven forbid, if we lose, continues, and we’d pretty much feel deflated and look towards next year. So it’s very much a confidence level thing, I hope. Can we sustain the good 1^st half in the 2^nd half given that there have been less rotation this year, I dread the feeling, but tactically, we should remain the same. It’s just the confidence to go all out and arrogantly thrashing everyone all the time can we win that.

And having seen how Rafa operates, identify the weakness and overcome it with strategic decision making, if we fail this year, and chances are still pretty high that we wont, then, next year, watch out as we have the experience of challenging built up and the squad is retained for the coming years.

Contesting evolution - a muslim speaks out

Response from http://adamdeen.blogspot.com/2008/09/responding-to-usama-hasans-muslim-apes.html is also relevant.

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http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/sep/11/religion.darwinbicentenary

Knowledge regained

In contrast to their forebears, modern Muslims have a childlike view of science, especially evolution. This needs to changeComments (182) Usama Hasan guardian.co.uk, Thursday 11 September 2008 13.30 BST Article historyProfessor Richard Dawkins recently said that most Muslims were creationists, and their children are taught that the theory of evolution is wrong, which causes a huge problem in schools.

He's largely correct, and the Muslim world desperately needs to debate the matter properly without fear, since science can neither prove nor disprove God. Whereas the Christian world, where Charles Darwin first proposed his thesis, has had a century and a half to come to terms with the theory of evolution, it has only begun to be taught rather recently in the Muslim world, where faith and religious practice is still relatively strong.

No wonder then that the theory is opposed by some religious elements, especially those that are ignorant of science. Snazzy websites, videos and books produced by fundamentalist Muslim "creationists" such as those at www.harunyahya.com, are obscuring clear scientific thinking.

Creation or evolution? Many believers in God have no problem with an obvious solution: that God created man via evolution. Here is some explanation of this view from a Muslim perspective.

I have a background in physical sciences, not biological ones, but there are parallels. Just as we can see clear evidence for the fact that planets, stars and galaxies evolved very gradually over the last 13 billion years since the big bang and weren't just beamed into existence by God, it would seem intuitive that life in its breathtaking variety on Earth also arose through a gradual evolutionary processes. There are plenty of Muslim biologists who have no doubt about the essential correctness of evolutionary theory.

The Qur'an teaches that humanity began with Adam, whose wife Eve was made "of like nature". The raw materials from which Adam was created are variously described as dust, clay and water, ie a mixture of water and minerals found on earth and in its soil. God completed the creation of Adam, breathed his spirit into him and taught him the names of everything. Since the angels were ignorant of these names, he commanded them to bow down to Adam, to symbolise human superiority over angels due to our free will, intelligence, capacity to understand and express ourselves in eloquent language.

One problem is that many Muslims retain the simple picture that God created Adam from clay, much as a potter makes a statue, and then breathed into the lifeless statue and lo! it became a living human. This is a children's madrasa-level understanding and Muslims really have to move on as adults and intellectuals, especially given the very serious scientific heritage of the medieval Islamic civilisation.

Another objection that is sometimes posed is the following: doesn't evolution denigrate and insult all humans, but especially the prophets of God, by insisting that we all originate from apes? I reply that the theory doesn't insult anyone, but does remind us of the humble origins of our created form. This is nothing new or blasphemous, since numerous Qur'anic verses remind us that we are all created from "dust" via sexual discharges: "despised drops of water". Those verses clearly do not insult the prophets. Meanwhile, our spiritual form remains the most exalted, since it is from the spirit of God breathed into Adam: we exist for the most noble purpose of knowing and loving God, freely and after having been given a choice.

Another irony in this whole debate is that several medieval Islamic thinkers had ideas that were broadly similar to the theory of evolution. The 10th-century Persian philosopher Ibn Miskawayh may have had ideas about the natural world that were, broadly speaking, evolutionist. The 14th-century philosopher Ibn Khaldun wrote:

One should then look at the world of creation. It started out from the minerals and progressed, in an ingenious, gradual manner, to plants and animals.

Although Ibn Khaldun wasn't speaking directly about evolution in the modern sense, I don't think he would have had a major problem with Darwin's theory, judging from the passage above. But it is precisely the loss of the heritage of people like Ibn Khaldun that has led to the current, appalling state of science in the Muslim world and the Muslim consciousness

My Beautiful Country. Part 1

I am in one of my nationalistic pangs today. Thing is, it arrives in a sort of inverted, transposed order, where the beauty is seen in its absence.

I took the LRT from Serdang, unknown to me that today is a Selangor public holiday. It was late by 3 mins, jampacked with people, and I had failed to get entry earlier through the TnG barrier, although after checking later, I was really cleared but didn’t know it. That was only the beginning.

After squeezing in, and changing trains at KL Sentral, I queued up and expected things to be OK as the LED display proclaimed train frequencies at 3m 44s. I was 9 mins before the next one came, and even though I was 6^th in line, I couldn’t force my way in. I managed on the next train through, about 4 mins later, but it was so crammed I was basically doing a salsa to this lady next to me. Had to forcefully focus on other things as my body parts attempted to betray me as I had a growing erection. By the time I arrived, I was sweaty and tired. Sat down for breakfast, and finally started work at 9.25, about 1 hour later than I usually came in, despite leaving the house about 10 mins earlier.

Learnings: Our public transportation design in the Klang Valley is meant for the poor, downtrodden, salt of the earth population who cant afford to buy a car. I would never ask my wife, or indeed any ladies, to take the LRT during peak hours anymore.

Observations, too...

Over the last three decades, we can observe that the engineering profession is quickly losing, or has lost, its lustre. When I was in my primaryschool days, I could feel the respect when my mother speaks about our backdoor neighbour who was an engineer with UDA, never mind the fact my schoolteacher parents could afford to have the exact same house as he did. (of which, I am proud of, Mak..;-) ) It was probably imprinted in my subconscious, that about 7 years after, subsequent to getting my SPM results, at our family meeting discussing my study and career options, despite my sense that my parents were hoping for the “doctor” answer, I suggested engineering with the excuse I am not much good at cutting up cadavers. If they were disappointed, they didn’t show it, and even went out of their way helping me get my TNB scholarship by meeting with Dr Salim Sairan (arwah now), Dato’ Rashid (unknowingly the father of my colleague here in SWF), En. Karim(!?) (curse on my memory lapses) and many others. Thanks again, Mak. (and abah, too, sorry I probably did not voice it out when you were around)

Since then, I have evolved into this super-rational human being, heard that people have said that I seem emotionally void at times, dungu at others, and being in the investment realm doesn’t help remedy that, instead it has probably accelerated the process further. But engineers have other redeeming features. We say it as it is. Although moving up the organizational pyramid and moving to the financial industries have seriously removed that from me. Okay, we are logical, able to spot gaps and issues and arrive to a conclusion quickly. Hmmm.. let’s not go there, as I certainly can not claim that as a personal virtue. Right, we inquire about the truth, and defend it to the hilt. Perhaps, moreso a long, long time ago, but especially not now in this industry where I’m still trying to find my footing.

But, back to my main point, why and where did engineers lose their attraction? The advent of IT was certainly a major factor. IT graduates commanded more pay, had better job offers and the industry shone brightly. In Malaysia, finance and banking industry boomed and grew by leaps and bounds in the last two decades aided by GOM’s drive to accelerate Malaysia’s economic growth. I know plenty of engineers in finance, and elsewhere, financial engineering has even been blamed for the unfolding economic crisis. It also became fashionable to import expertise from outside in developing Malaysia’s iconic buildings, Hijjaz Kasturi was probably the exception of a local who managed to swell his reputation despite the unfair global competition. FTAs and the WTOs will further liberalise these services sector, and the remaining engineering services providers will either become small-scale organizations living on scraps, or partners and sub-contractors of Aussie and New Zealand (!) engineering companies trying to enter our markets. (I mean, British, American, Japanese, Dutch – OK I can understand, but New Zealand? Come on.., Aussie – well OK they are probably good, but I don’t like them to a fault, so there u go)

So, engineers end up not having much in terms of pay. They don’t have that many places to practice their trade, and if they did it will be doing mundane, routine, mind-numbing stuff in GLCs, and hence, they also find their route to the top of the pile jealously guarded by people who are more innovative and has more game-changing arsenal compared to the average Mat Engineer. It is a systemic problem, and the brutal truth is that who ever is left in the profession will bear the brunt of the blame, or the shit-cleaning job, of the landslides, cracks in flyover pillars, foundations, buildings and such like. Others who have the capacity to change lanes should leave their tracks, and seek the arsenal required to change this fate.

As a nation, can we live on being a nation of economists, financiers and Islamic bankers? Sure we can. But at the end of the day, wouldn’t a diversified skill set working within the framework of nation-building, be better for Malaysia?

The human development policy in Malaysia is in such shambles that any demand for salary increase is a political issue, and none is more adept at playing this game than CUEPACS. Schoolteachers have had their increase, private sector can job-hop and get their increase, fishermen, taxi-drivers etc will get what they want as soon as the guy in charge sees a perceived erosion in political support. The ad-hoc, elastoplast, cant see beyond tomorrow approach has been the bane of Malaysia in the last 4 years. A mitigating factor for Pak Lah is that the last 5 years of Mahathir was also not great as he sought to exit with his political reputation intact.

Economically, the low-wage structure has got to be gradually unraveled. We cannot sustain this as the costs are too high. The “brain drain” to moneybags Middle East and ravenous China is turning into a tidal flow- where it was once only geologists, it now includes engineers, accountants, nurses, doctors and anyone who is able to pad up his CV with important sought-after recruitment keywords and has friends already working over there. The leftovers are unable to make up for it, and already sectors such as manufacturing are crying over firstly, the lack of quantity and then the quality of the local graduates, either struggling to speak coherent English or ability to grasp mundane work instructions. It is a sad indictment of an education policy which encourages, subsidises and allows our people to pursue expensive, overseas education, (the Malays who get their overseas education paid for by government agencies are proportionately most at fault here, and those whose parents, including the non-Malays- can most afford it are the ones which we need to train our guns on the most) could not provide the employment opportunities upon their return, their individual attitude’s towards depending upon government handouts notwithstanding.

Obviously, meritocracy would be the solution. But we have lost the last generation of our people being molly-coddled and pampered to the extent that any drastic removal of privileges and opportunities would create sustained political fractures as racial jealousy and demand for personal, class and racial rights overtake common sense.

It would seem the first step is always to create the right environment and context to move forward, prioritizing firstly, judging equally between man (populace, if you happen to be one of those gender-sensitive people who bite at such trivialities), removal of suspicions of underhanded motives emanating from other countries, respect for the legacy that we have and our 51 year history which has allowed us to move this far, that only then can we begin to take the first tentative steps towards removal of these forces which hold us back.

Observations

I love to listen to other peoples’s conversations in lifts, restaurants and other public places. Of course, it’s not the most morally upright thing in the world, but there is only so much you can do to cut out the “noise” from reaching my audio receptors. And I do have a pretty good SNR reading, borrowing from the remnants of what I can remember from my comms module in my uni days.

And hence, observations can be made on certain types of people, and stereotypes are created. Some positive, some are negative. I find Malay men can talk in indulgent subjects of conversations, about family in general, about certain things they need to achieve in life. Malay women talk about the best eating places, latest shopping sale, where to find the latest handbags and stuff. Caucasian kwailos talk about the latest policies in their office which could affect what they are trying to achieve at work. Chinese ladies.. err ok, this particular Christian Chinese was actively trying to invite her friend to come to her church for a communion.

Which leads me to realize how deeply committed they are to propagate their new found faith. Chen, my old buddy, a free-wandering-spirit looking for the next best thing to achieve in life, as well as money, converted after chasing after then his girl, and wife now. He was smart, intelligent, and no doubt very much clear about life as Malay-muslim having grown up in Pilah, and having tastebuds accustomed to gulai rebung, but the speed with which he was converted, no doubt that love had a strong unalienable pull, was still something I find immensely surprising.

Perhaps it is a question of personal commitment towards truth. I find myself fighting with, against it every hour. Doing what I know could be wrong, doing what I think is not the priority, doing not the right thing – you know, the different grades of choosing the wrong path is a continuous exercise of jihad and iman. Numerous times I have lost, and currently almost terminally, so that to find a way back seems to be so difficult. Although try I must.

But I digress. These observations seem to highlight to me what I need to do. Seems to highlight to me how huge the gap is for us to overcome that merely trying to exercise methodology and approach improvements will never be sufficient. It is a moral question, one that guides choices and reinforces personal integrity towards what the truth is and exercises passion towards what brings the best for the whole, not purely for personal and selfish gains.

work residuals

it has been a funny week. One where I thot most of what I have will be whittled down, to lets look forward to next three months, and then, thereafter.

One where a first deal is completed, to one where probably next year will be a slow year, and *groan* research is on the agenda.

Assortments - reinforcement and tank filling greatly required

Wednesday, November 26, 2008; 16:19:27

Another assortments piece here – namely for key action steps:
personal and family strategies – for here and hereafter
tech and RE work strategies – developing institutional capacity
CIRED, energy and TNB – sustainable progress
Liverpool – keeping the momentum
making sure I am sustainable

First salvo, personal and family strategies.
the kids take precedence – and by that I mean their development as muslims & mu’min, their education, their akhlak and their disposition should be a primary concern.
Hence, selection of school is crucial. Ensuring the right school meets these objectives must be done right, and also the practical aspects, including finances and potential risks assessed in making this decision. Once, decision made, however, there should be no stones unturned to make sure the objective is achieved.
Central to this is also the issue of wifey getting the time, a critical resource to carry out this role effectively. If that means compromising on financials in the short-term, then adequate contingencies have to be thought through, as well as bracing ourselves mentally and physically to meet the expected troughs.
This additional resource – time- should be used judiciously. One is to realign our interests to what are the key priorities in one’s life – and hence, participation and commitment in jamaah should be reinforced, participation in educational improvements at pre-school, school levels towards policy governance and administration could be enhanced; or even formation of new commercial interests taking into consideration of previous interests – in short, pursuing the hedgehog.
Mak? Well, she seems to accept her destiny of not being able to draw upon her children’s devotion. I blame my sisters for not being able to get-together to do things for mak’s best interests. I’m not too sure how to go about doing this, but definitely this is far from ideal.
Again, I do need to relook at this particular area and find ways for betterment.

Tech, RE and investment work strategies
Not as appealing as the point before, but I owe it to myself to make sure this works given the strategy from above. To that end, initiating indispensability is a key strategy, and that requires both intellectual and attitudinal shifts. Intellectually, justification for every position that I take is a necessity, and attitudinally, a strong and firm disposition is required.
The former, insyaAllah, whilst hard is not as difficult as the latter proposition. Being firm is not something I’ve been used to in a work context, being dripfed on the neo-feudalistic TNB culture. Even LTK, who I should have vociferously engaged antagonistically on numerous occasions, is addressed deferentially and nodded with in agreement. Although, I should think in private conversations, he tends to steer towards my opinions more times than usual, and then uses that opinion to influence his bosses. The result? He gets promoted a few times in 2 years, and me? Well, I can’t complain cos I’ve made my bed outside.
So, I’m reminded of the story of Musa a.s, being given his stick by Allah, and his articulation of its uses as evidence of characteristics of a daie. Also, the voluminous writings of numerous muslim scholars who had created a gigantic knowledge repository covering all possible permutations of life as being a key reason for the spread of the beauty of Islam and knowledge illuminating the Dark Ages of Europe. Never mind that it was later, erroneously, proclaimed that ijtihad is closed, thereafter relegating Islam to a slow, glacial-like deterioration to the sad happenings to muslims today. Yoga-issue doesn’t help – but more than that demonstrates the deficiency of wisdom in addressing today’s issues.
Key issue to follow through at work in portfolio content in addressing technology risk – as well as other possibilities that needs further analysis and considerations.

CIRED, energy and TNB issues
CIRED, utility and energy are the unholy trinity in the country now. Of course, CIRED is just a small association, but I’m using it as a proxy for other disengaged organizations and agencies who should be doing something but probably is not able to do much now for whatever reason.
Something needs to be done, and pushing it forward requires more mental preparation to move it forward at pace.

Liverpool
playing OM tonight. I think Rafa should play Lucas and stick a finger to the dumb fans who booed him after the Fulham game.
Of course, I was disappointed with the game – the performance stank until Alonso’s introduction (see comment abt Sunderland’s game before), result was awful and other big 4 results were no consolation given we would have outright league leadership had we won. But to boo Lucas, and therefore betraying an ego as if as fans they knew better than Rafa, and as if that was the only reason for the poor performance, boy that pissed me off more than the performance and the result.
Primarily, because I face the same set of ego here at work, and elsewhere, (cue: “I’m doing research, I know everything comment” from this colleague), of people who just because they have access to wiki and google knows everything. What they have is just information and data. Without that being tried and tested in real-time, having the big-time experience of putting it into the pounding mill, where wisdom can be churned out, then these type of people needs to re-learn humility. It’s a disappearing commodity.

My last comment is – well, apart form waking up at night to watch Liverpool, I face a serious challenge of developing myself to meet numbers 1-3. It requires getting my head screwed on right, my motivations spot-on, an action-packed orientation, the courage to standup and suffer and not just to follow the easy path all the time, and to develop relationships and networks to help meet aspirations. These are all great deficiencies, arising from the vast gaps of iman and the postponement and procrastination of addressing and filling up this empty tanks so hungry for reinforcements. The longer the wait goes on, the worse it will become, and should death invite me under this condition, then I shall fear very much for my condition in the hereafter. In this condition, hyprocrisy and munafik reigns. I pray I shall find the light.

Making this world a better place is easier to say than to practice.

Assortments- residuals

171108

Blogging to my heart's content has been good to improving my use of language and also clarifying mental thought processes. It is however insufficient in raising self-awareness and motivation. Sometimes it begets further confusion.



In light of the most unkind words that i've chosen to call my wife, i need the space to respond correctly andf quickly to stimulus and pain, both physically and mentally. That cannot come with unfocused reflection, but i shud strive to better my overall environment and also my thots and actions. Nothing short of total revamp will do- and i shud try to overcome the pain barrier in so doing. The prize is worth it- JANNAH, and that includes all under my charge.

assortments today - mid-Nov

1.       Liverpool still in top form

It was an impressive 2-0 away win against Bolton on Saturday, particularly first half. Alonso again central in maintaining possession and spreading play, wide players creating havoc and Kuyt finishing impressively. Having said that, a few weaknesses remain – Keane isn’t a fully dependable finisher in the Owen mould needing a few chances to put one away, once opposition presses us, taking a cue from what we do to them, no doubt, we have problems ala last 20mins at league match against Spurs, without Skrtle central defence looks a bit wobbly under pressure. But having ridden the storm, once the redmen reasserted their superiority, it was again pretty impressive.

 

Short term looks good – over the full season I still have Chelski as the overwhelming favourites. A 100% 7 straight away wins with big wins all over so far shows how they can do a number over lesser opposition, even of freak results at Burnley or Roma happen, the former with a couple of second-stringers and after what was reportedly total domination of the match. If they win a vast majority of games over smaller sides, and drop points against big 4, points-wise they will still win hands down. And look at that defence – only 4 conceded in 13 games, 2 against LFC and MU combined. Heck, they’d need a whole lot of stopping. My hope is for LFC to sustain a strong challenge to the wire, and push even harder next year – tho again there are no guarantees.

 

2.       What to do next?

Wouldn’t it be nice if I have a clear plan in the next 4 years that enables me to have a net worth of RM20m, which allows me to spend on building a nice school, modeled after Concord with a progressive Islamic agenda, have the trappings of life for my mum, my wife, my children, in-laws, relatives and friends – able to use up that resource to fund priority projects for the muslim community locally, who would then create network effects worldwide. I can enjoy studying the Deen, tafseer and perhaps giving a talk or two to others, and once in a while take my children go up Malaysian mountains, and maybe even learn to ride a bike.

 

Everything starts with a dream. Make it happen.

 

Why we need RE

1. The twin factors of increased price of oil commodities and concerns on the impact of fossil fuels on carbon emissions resulting in global warming and climate change has generated a whole new industry of alternative energy and renewable fuels.
2. Admittedly, this new ’gold rush’ has resulted in some early technological successes – biofuels, solar, among others – and carries with it the promise of more game-changing innovations that the world should be braced themselves for.
3. A presentation yesterday from MBC indicated- corroborated by a piece of data I obtained while looking at Codexis – that the US-produced biofuels sector was worth USD40b alone in 2007 – with a CAGR of about 30% between 2004-2007. By extension, if it could sustain a similar growth rate, it will double its revenues in about 2 years time.
4. While the size of the US market means that any production can just about be consumed fully in the US, to the detriment of non-US oil-exporting companies, including countries, a corollary concern would be how nationally we can emulate the growth of the industry domestically.
5. Why should we have this? One, is the energy security argument. Once Petronas’ E&P dries up, government will have a significant shortfall in revenue, but more importantly, gas supplies currently 17% of Malaysia’s installed capacity fuel mix, 25% or 4.8 GW if we include conventional distillate thermals. Depletion would effectively render reversion to a dependence on either coal or hydro. With hydropower plant construction on its last dregs, that leaves coal as the only viable alternative, unless we begin energizing an RE sector and really make good its promise of the fifth fuel.
6. Secondly, it’s about utilising abundance of biomass feedstock. A simple calculation showed we do not adequately address the issue of 14mtons of EFBs in our palm oil estates yearly based on current 2007 yields – this alone could potentially fire 700MW or 5% of peak demand in current terms. We are not even talking of forest residues, easily worth about double the amount, lest we anger conservationists and environmentalists, though in my personal opinion there are ways to mitigate this issue, and nature does have a way of overcoming adversity once we put in place a controlled manageable protocol of sustainability in place. Let the experience of harvesting the marshes and wetlands of Kuala Sepetang be a guide.
7. Thirdly, Malaysian economy requires a shift in focus towards broadening its knowledge-centric economic sectors from a commodity-resource focus- beginning with tin, then rubber, then oil & gas and palm oil, although no doubt the focus away from agriculture to manufacturing has been instrumental in maintaining our growth rates- as it had been in the first 50 years and more of its independence. This requires a focus in services and technology sectors, and it had not been easy to emulate the experiences of our Northeast Asian economies of Japan, Korea and to a certain extent, China. The technology portion for Malaysia is admittedly, weak. Fundamental technical work, engineering and construction work can very much be classified under the 3d careers – dirty, dangerous and difficult – and without foreign labour – Indonesian and Bangladeshis for the legwork, and Korean, Japanese and European for the professional work – there could not be the pride of all Malaysians like KLCC. Local work can be classified as shoddy, evidenced by MRR2 fiasco, leaking roofs, landslides, Highland towers and more than our fair share of embarrassing construction blunders. Though there is greater focus in high-end technology sectors as in biotech, it remains financially driven, through investments by venture capitals, rather than fundamental research and development work underpinning an expanding human capital for its growth. The RE sector represents the prospect of expanding our participation in “real” work in developing this sector and creating “value networks” as a means of deepening our knowledge and research resources.

 

some thots on ethics and islamic values...

During the days of the British empire, British society were displaying its strict Victorian moral code, although some may argue it was restricted purely to the upper strata of society. The early days of the Islamic civilisation was perhaps a fundamental example of how the success of a society or ummah was parallel with a glorious proliferation of a strong moral conduct uphelp by very strong beliefs. Many social commentators argue of an impending demise of American economic and political power due to lack of an existience of a strong ethical basis which binds the society together, and society that is built on respect for the rights of the individual and excessive materialism.       

 

The importance of ethical considerations is not purely due to the fact that it has brought harmony and prosperity to the two society’s quoted above, but also due to the benefits accruing to the individual in terms of honour, prestige, reputation and long-lasting goodwill. Good ethical behaviour, displayed as considerations for others, is always a value held in high esteem universally, and while there are always exceptions to the rule, humankind will always continue to strive for the betterment of the individual and society. While we appreciate the importance of ethical considerations - due thought has to be given on how best to ensure an ethical business environment can be brought about. This personal reflection will attempt to look at a possible practical framework within which a strong ethical consideration is given primary though in the decision making process.

 

One aspect of ethics that would be given emphasis here is that of business ethics. This is attributed to the fact of the growing influence wielded by major multinational corporations, which already have bigger revenues than some country’s GDP. Within the context of a business, government and society (BGS) model, the interrelationships and interplay of the three dimensions would influence the way the framework would be deployed. It is worth noting that if we see business ethics as an extension of Society’s morality then it becomes incumbent that Society's ethics be part of the framework for reform. 

  

SOCIETAL MORAL VALUES  is derived from the strength of the society's commitment to upholding what is perceived as right and preventing the wrong. Here a distinction has to be made between the perspectives of eastern society with its emphasis on community and the good of the many, with western society more predominant on the upholding of individual rights

Moral reform with general society would require a great deal of commitment & effort. However, it is a necessity, .....

 

BUSINESS ETHICS - Companies now wield great influence, with some company's revenues more than some country's GDP. The ability of business leaders to influence decisions at State level is a frightening development. An example can be quoted on how Malaysia is forced to show greater effort to stamp out software piracy due to Microsoft’s pressure.

 

Hence, it is now imperative that business leaders display the same set of commitment towards fulfilling its obligations and responsibility to the society within which it derives its benefits, and not merely oblige purely its shareholders wealth maximisation aspirations only.

 

Meiji Restoration offers a few learning points for technology transfer and modernization:

1.       learning and education and the increased capacity for absorption of technology – with emphasis on scientific education

2.       execution focus on results – increased agriculture yields, introduction of total industrialization

3.       increased urbanization resulting from enhanced infrastructure linkages

4.       probably the greatest factor being the political will to effect these changes arising from the perceived threat of western imperialism, economically if not politically. The political will resulted in demonstration of strong leadership – in quelling rebellion and opposition towards what was intended, increased militarism to protect national interests and also resulted in a pliant citizenship with the adoption of Shintoism for Japan’s national identity.

5.       In other words, the burning platform united the feudal peoples into a what is nominally homogenous group of people with strong ideas of nationalism and technical capability

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From: http://www.thecorner.org/hist/japan/meiji2.htm

Meiji Modernization (1868-1912)  

Background to Meiji Modernization

A. Factors facilitating the decision to modernize

i. Strong solidarity and clear goal among the new leaders -

The Meiji leaders came mainly from the lower-middle rank of the samurai class. They had experienced both the corrupt Tokugawa feudal rule and the pressure of Western imperialism. As a group, they shared a common social background and political experience - they agreed that modernization was the only way to save the country.

Some Names

• Kido Koin
• Okubo Toshimichi
• Okuma Shigenobu
• Saigo Takamori
• Yamagata Aritomo
• Ito Hirobumi
• Itagaki Taisuke

ii. Urgency of modernization to avoid national humiliation -

The Meiji leaders were well aware of the fate of Japan's immediate neighbour, China, where resistance to change only brought humiliation and defeat. They believed Japan was in danger of foreign attack. They recognized that the need for modernization was urgent.

B. Modernization to counter imperialism

Once in power, the Meiji leaders decided to turn away from tradition and modernize Japan to defend against Western imperialism. Western imperialism took two forms:

i. Politically, by means of unequal treaties, the foreign powers obtained many privileges from Japan. An example of such privileges was extra-territoriality (i.e. the foreign powers had the right to apply their own law to their nationals staying in Japan). All these gains were backed up by Western military superiority. Japan's national right was violated.

ii. Economically, foreign imports into Japan increased greatly because of the low tariff fixed by the unequal treaties. By 1870, foreign imports reached 70% of all Japanese trade.

Cheap foreign goods, like English textiles, poured into Japan and ruined native Japanese handicraft industries. Japan suffered from an unfavourable balance of payments (i.e. imports far exceeding exports). Loans were extended to Japan by Westerners; in return, Westerners received more privileges.

Moreover, since gold was cheaper in Japan than in other places of the world (less than half the world price), foreigners bought from Japan vast quantities of gold. This outflow of gold, together with the economic imperialism of foreign imports, caused social miseries in the country. To counter the economic threats of imperialism, Japan had to be economically powerful.
To counter the political threats of imperialism, Japan had to be militarily strengthened. Thus "rich country and strong army" (fokoku kyohei) was the slogan of Meiji modernization. The final objective was to establish strong political rule in Japan, so that she would at last be able to get rid of the unequal treaties imposed by the Western powers.

C. All-round and total modernization

Once the Meiji leaders began modernizing certain aspects of Japan, they found it necessary to modernize other aspects as well. For example, military reform called for the production of weapons, which only economic reform could successfully supply. On the other hand, to function efficiently, the military establishment needed modern communications. Thus more railways, roads and ships must be built.
Armament and transport themselves required the efficient administration and co-ordination of a modern government. Thus political reform had to be carried out. To make sure that these political, economic and military reforms would be accepted by the people, and to train the people to carry out these reforms, long-term educational modernization must be developed at the same time. The different aspects of change were dependent on one another.
In short, modernization was an all-or-none matter. Either every aspect of the country had to be modernized to some extent, or no single aspect could be modernized successfully.

D. The characteristics of modernization

The term "modernization" refers to the transformation of a traditional, feudal society into a progressive, modern one. It has the following characteristics:

• Industrialization of the traditional economy.
• Increased agricultural commercialization and specialization.
• Importance of industry and trade over agriculture.
• More machines used for production.
• Possession of a nationally conscripted military force.
• Increased geographic mobility (people going from one place to another) and social mobility (people moving from one social position to another)
• Spread of popular, scientific and technical education.
• Increase in material standards of living.
• Politically conscious citizens.
• Increased urbanization (more cities) and well-developed, nationwide communications.
• Centralized and specialized administration by the government. Rule of law, not of man.

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A Preliminary Step to Modernization - Strengthening of the Meiji State

A. Weaknesses of the Meiji state

- Although the Tokugawa shogunate was overthrown in 1868, the Meiji government that replaced it was not a strong one by 1870:

1. Political: Indirect and incomplete political control over the country at large - This was because the daimyo with their samurai, still ruled the clans.
2. Economic: Insufficient state revenue for full-scale modernization - The Meiji government got most of its tax income from former Tokugawa lands only.
3. Military: Absence of any national army -The new government depended on only a few western clans (mainly Choshu and Satsuma) for its military force.

B. Measures to strengthen the Meiji state

The Meiji government took measures, both negative and positive, to strengthen itself.

The negative measure was the abolition of feudalism.
The positive measure was the introduction of modern land taxation and military conscription.

i. Abolition of feudalism

a. Political - In 1871, the Meiji government announced the abolition of feudalism as a form of government.

Clan governments and clan armies were ordered to dismiss. Whereas these clans had been politically autonomous, the Central Government now divided Japan into 75 prefectures governed by centrally appointed officials.

b. Social - With the breakup of feudal gov’ts, the old ruling class - the daimyo and samurai - no longer ruled the land. By way of compensation, the daimyo were given one-tenth of their clans’ original income, while the samurai were promised that their stipends (salary), though somewhat reduced, would continue.

Also, efforts were made to help the samurai become useful modern citizens, so that they would not cause trouble. They were given permission to enter other occupations like farming and commerce.

The government created employment for them and lent them money to go into business. The Meiji police force, for example, consisted almost entirely of samurai members.
In 1876, the government changed the yearly allowance for daimyo and samurai into a lump sum paid once and for all.

Meanwhile, other social feudal systems were also abolished, e.g. class distinctions were removed. The samurai lost their special legal privilege and their right of wearing swords. The commoners were given family names.

c. Effects -

• Freed from the financial burden of supporting the old ruling class, the Meiji government was financially better able to carry out modernization.
• National unity was strengthened when feudal clans were abolished. The samurai who had been loyal only to their lords, began extending their loyalty to the nation. The Meiji gov’t could therefore effectively rule over the whole country and was in a better position to modernize Japan.
• The liberation of the people from feudal restrictions and the abolition of the samurai class created a large, mobile labour force for industrialization.
• The removal of clans facilitated internal trade and led to the emergence of a national market for industrial and commercial expansion.
• The lump sum payments to the daimyo and samurai formed a source of capital for investments in new industries. In particular, the former daimyo became big financiers, investing their wealth in banks, stocks and industries. A modern wealthy middle-class began to emerge.
• But because the samurai’s social position was abolished, discontent among the samurai class grew leading to -> Satsuma Rebellion 1877.

ii. Establishment of a modern system of land taxation

a. Motive - The purpose was to ensure a continuous and large income to finance different modernization programs.

b. Contents - As the Japanese economy was still agricultural by 1870, the Meiji government depended on agriculture for a reliable revenue. In 1873, it was announced that all landowners had to pay a yearly tax of 3% of the land value. Certificates of landownership were given to the farmers.

c. Effects-

This land-tax system enabled the Central Government to predict its income, since the tax (fixed in amount) no longer varied with the harvests and since the tax had to be paid in cash.
Until 1888, land tax alone accounted for over half of the whole government’s income. The costs of industrialization could be paid.
Yet many peasants suffered greatly from the new land tax system. Rural discontent grew quickly.
As many small peasants were unable to pay the required land tax, they sold their land to richer landlords and became tenants (landless agricultural labourers).

iii. Creation of a modern conscripted army

See military reform later

C. Problems in the strengthening of the Meiji state

i. Discontent among the poor samurai and hard-pressed peasants led to the outbreak of many local rebellions. There were nearly 200 uprisings from 1868 to 1878.

ii. Partly because of the payments to the daimyo and samurai, and partly because of the new land taxation, inflation was very serious from 1868 to the early 1880s. The income of both the samurai and the government was badly affected.

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Economic Modernization

Background

A. Late Tokugawa economic conditions

i. First, the late Tokugawa commercial economy was prosperous. Many rich merchants had saved large amounts of capital, which, if invested in modern industries, would greatly stimulate industrialization. They served to pave the way for industrial progress in the Meiji period.

ii. Secondly, from 1854 (when Japan was opened by the West) to 1868, the Tokugawa shogunate and some other clans had already developed considerable ship-building and arms-manufacturing industries. There were already some Japanese engineers and technicians who knew Western technology.

By taking over and centralizing the control of these pre-1868 industrial undertakings, the Meiji government had a good foundation to start with.

B. Motives of economic modernization

i. Development of military-strategic industries such as production of ammunition and construction of war-ships, for national defence against possible foreign attacks.

ii. Economically independent from Western economic imperialist control.

iii. Manufacturing of consumer-goods by Japan herself so as to cut down foreign imports.

iv. Balance of exports and imports so as to solve the problem of unfavourable balance of payments.

v. Creation of employment opportunities for the people, especially for the discontented and jobless former samurai.

vi. Improvement of the economic conditions of the peasants.

vii. Strengthening of the material foundation of the Meiji state so that the government could collect more tax and be more wealthy.

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AGRICULTURAL REFORMS

A. Reasons for development

Japan was still largely an agricultural country by 1870.
A modernized agriculture is the foundation of and pre-condition for successful industrialization.

B. Contents

Agricultural students were sent abroad to learn more advanced agricultural techniques.
Foreign experts were employed to give advice on agricultural development.
New kinds of plants and seeds were imported.
Experimental agricultural stations and agricultural colleges were founded throughout the country to test new methods of planting and advise farmers on new agricultural techniques.

C. Results

With state encouragement as such, agricultural production steadily expanded. Total rice production, for example, grew over 30% between 1880 and 1894, partly because new land was opened for cultivation, but mostly because new farming methods increased productivity.
On the other hand, great progress was made in silk production and export. By the 1890s, silk alone already accounted for 1/3 of all Japan's export trade by value. Three reasons explained this:
a. There was a favourable market in Europe.

b. The high quality of Japanese silk attracted many buyers.

c. Silk manufacture was technically improved.

D. Effects

i. Since the Meiji government's revenue depended largely on agricultural taxation, expansion in agricultural production indirectly increased the government's income that could be invested in other modernization programs.

ii. The great expansion in silk exports helped to balance foreign imports, thus partly making up for the unfavourable balance of payments that Japan had been suffering.

iii. In general, agricultural exports earned much money to pay for the industrial machinery and raw materials that had to be imported.

iv. The increase in the income of the farmers created a home market for locally-made consumer goods.

v. Rural discontent was to a certain extent pacified when the incomes of many farmers were raised.

vi. Agriculture became increasingly specialized and commercialized, which increased tenancy as well as large-scale concentration of land in the landlords.

Many poor tenant-farmers went from the villages to the towns, thereby providing cheap labour for urban industrialization. When more and more farmers became tenants, the countryside was increasingly under the control of conservative landlord-merchants. Thus, Western democratic movements failed to take root in rural Japan.

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INDUSTRIALIZATION

A. Requirements of successful industrialization

As already discussed, late Tokugawa economic conditions were in effect a basis for subsequent industrial growth. Yet, for successful industrialization, two requirements were essential:
a great body of skilled labour and advanced technology;
a large store of capital.

i. Technical skills could be obtained in two ways:

1. Immediately, they could be borrowed from abroad. Thus, foreign advisers and engineers were employed to run new industrial undertakings and train native Japanese technicians.
2. In the long run, they could be obtained through modern education. Thus technical schools were set up. Compulsory education was introduced.

Once Japanese had been successfully trained to become skilled workers and technicians, they could replace foreign advisers.
Yet, capital was a problem. The few wealthy merchant families of late Tokugawa times were unwilling to invest in modern enterprises. They preferred to remain in traditional economic activities like banking, usury (high-interest money lending) or land buying.

There were three reasons for this:

1. These merchant families had conservative "house laws" that warned against investment in new business.
2. In the early 1870s, modern enterprises were new, and therefore risky, in Japan. Also, they involved slow returns; they would bring profits only after a long period of investment.
3. The old merchants lacked the techniques and knowledge that were required for running a modern business.

B. Government initiative in industrialization, 1870 - 1880

Having unsuccessfully tried to stimulate private investment in the early 1870s, the Meiji government adopted a policy that was to prove successful - she developed industries herself.
The necessary capital came from (a) government revenue from land tax; and (b) loans contracted by the government from some old merchant families (not from the Western powers, for fear of being under their economic control).

i. Emphasis on military-strategic Industries :- The reasons were as follows:

1. The industries developed in late Tokugawa times and taken over by the Meiji government were mostly military-strategic in nature.
2. It was necessary to defend the country against any foreign military threat. Thus, shipbuilding yards, gun-powder and munition factories, and artillery works were established.

ii. Development in consumer-goods industries - Meanwhile, consumer-goods industries were also developed, though emphasis put on them was not as strong as that on heavy industries.

Silk-reeling plants, glass and chemical manufacturing plants, a cement works, a cotton-spinning factory and a sugar factory were established. The cotton spinning mill encouraged rural Japanese spinners to use machines in spinning raw silk. The sugar refinery bought sugar products from local Japanese farmers. In these ways, industrialization benefited agriculture in return.

iii. Encouragement of private investments -

At the same time, attempts were made by the government to divert private capital into these newly developed government industries. The results were encouraging.

a. The former daimyo and the old merchants began investing their wealth in the new enterprises.

b. The landowners, who were enriched by the commercialization of agriculture that partly resulted from the Meiji land tax reform, began transferring most of their new savings out of agriculture into new industries.

C. Government sale of industries to private ownership from 1880 onwards

i. Reasons -

After 1880, while still retaining control and ownership of military-strategic industries (like railways, telegraphs, shipbuilding, arms-manufacturing, and arsenals), the Meiji government began selling off other industries to a few trusted private companies at very low prices. This change of industrial policy could be explained by a number of reasons:
First, government initiative in industrial development at best only laid the basis for industrial growth, while long-term industrial expansion must rely on private companies.

Secondly, the government was at the moment having financial problems.

• The payments of samurai stipends in 1876, the cost of suppressing the 1877 Satsuma Rebellion, and the general expenditure of modernization programs, all brought about financial difficulties for the Meiji government.
• Many industrial projects under state operation were not profitable, owing to their being still at the infancy stage.
• The Meiji government was at the moment in need of funds for naval expansion.

ii. Sale of industries -

A few private companies bought many government-owned industries.
For example, the Mitsubishi got a shipyard and many ships from the government. The Mitsui purchased a silk-reeling mill and a spinning mill.

iii. Government supervision -

Thereafter, the Meiji government, instead of actively and directly founding, managing and controlling industries herself, took on the role of indirect protector and supervisor of industrialization.

The government established a Department of Agriculture and Commerce in 1881.
In 1882, the first Japanese central bank (state bank) was set up, through which the government could regulate industrial growth. Through tariffs, tax policy and big quasi-public banks, the government established indirect control over the economy. Subsidies and technological advice were given to the private companies.

iv. Effects -

a. Having sold non-military industries to private ownership, the government was in a better financial position to overcome economic difficulties like inflation.

A policy of retrenchment (cutting unnecessary state expenditure) was adopted in the early 1880s. In the end, 1/4 of government revenue was saved, and inflation stopped. The basis for orderly and stable growth had been laid.

b. Concentration on military industries - Having disposed of non-military industries, the Meiji government could now concentrate on purely military ones.

Thus, despite the general decrease in other state expenditures in the 1880s, there was a sharp rise in military spending (over 60%).

c. Rise of the zaibatsu -

The few private companies that succeeded in buying government industries became monopolistic economic giants known as the zaibatsu (financial combines).
Famous zaibatsu included the Mitsui, the Mitsubishi, the Sumitomo and the Yasuda.
They ran a wide range of economic activities, from banking and manufacturing to insurance. Free economic competition, which was a condition for successful democracy, was suppressed.

d. Close relationship between government and business -

The sale of government industries marked the alliance between government and business, or rather, the subordination of business to government interests. As the zaibatsu were brought up by an undemocratic government, they were used to doing business under an undemocratic government, even under a militarist dictatorship in the 1930s later.

e. Firmer support for the Meiji government -

Some industries were sold to a few former officials of the Meiji government like Goto. This had the effect of strengthening the support for the Meiji state.

D. Measures taken by the Meiji government to protect its young industries against Western economic imperialism

These measures were what a Meiji leader learnt from Bismarck in a Japanese mission to Germany in 1873.

1. The Meiji government tried to discourage foreign investments in Japan by buying back foreign-owned industrial undertakings.
2. Trade rules were enacted to the disadvantage of foreign businessmen.
3. Foreign loans were repaid. No further loans from foreigners were contracted.

Successful industrialization: --

After the 1880s, both light and heavy industries continued to grow. From 1880 to 1913, industrial output increased five fold, while national income doubled.

1. Heavy industries - By the early 1890s, Japan was able to produce machinery and electrical equipment herself. The first Japanese locomotive was manufactured. Both coal and copper were exported.
2. Light industries - Textile industries were particularly important. The reasons were many:

First, they required less capital and less technical knowledge to run than heavy industries.
Secondly, they could be developed in small workshops rather than large and expensive factories. Thirdly, they made use of the rural labour that Japan's farm households could easily provide.

Consequently, private investments in textile industries were great and progress made was fast. During the 1880s, most textile products were absorbed by the domestic market. From the 1890s on, textile goods were exported.

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DEVELOPMENTS OF THE MEIJI INDUSTRIALIZATION

EFFECTS OF INDUSTRIALIZATION

A. Political effects

Industrialization laid the necessary foundation of a modern state. As the Meiji government had a strong and modern economy to rely on, the scope of government power was enlarged, its efficiency increased.

Rapid industrialization strengthened the Meiji state's undemocratic rule, as it provided new instruments for power concentration. The government could therefore effectively put down internal oppositions and carry out a stronger foreign policy.

B. Foreign effects

As both domestic and foreign trade increased under industrialization, foreign economic exploitation could be shaken off.

i. Large volumes of textile and silk exports helped to balance foreign imports. Since the government controlled all foreign trade, it concentrated on importing what it needed: raw materials and industrial machinery for industrialization, rather than foreign luxuries. In the end, foreign imports into Japan were gradually cut down.

ii. The control of coastal shipping gradually fell back into Japanese hands from foreigners, as the Mitsubishi succeeded in building up a strong trade fleet.

C. Economic effects

• In the long run, industrialization destroyed Japan's traditional agricultural economy.
  First, the local economically self-sufficient village society was replaced by increased agricultural commercialization and specialization.
• Secondly, with greater circulation of goods, capital and even labour, localism of village society broke down; the village people felt that they belonged not only to the village but to the nation as a whole.
• Thirdly, industry replaced agriculture as the nation's most important economic activity. Also, industrialization reduced economic inequalities of the old Tokugawa society. Gradually, however, new concentrations of wealth and power were built up by the zaibatsu, which controlled much of the entire country's economy.

D. Social effects

The standard of living in society was raised. One way or another, industrialization improved the economic conditions of the people. In return, the people sup-ported the government.
On the other hand, social mobility was facilitated (more people of low social positions could climb up to high positions, or vice versa). Successful industrialists or businessmen became Modern Japan's social leaders.

Also, success in industrial growth greatly strengthened Japan's nationalist spirit and confidence. But because industrialization was at first started by the government and later placed under strict government supervision, an independent middle-class of merchants and industrialists who would support democratic movements failed to emerge. As a result, the forces of democracy were weak.

E. Military effects

The strong emphasis placed on military-strategic industries strengthened the power and position of the military establishment and indirectly led to the rise of militarism later.

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Educational Modernization

Background

A. Condition of education in late Tokugawa times

Two kinds of schools in Japan before 1868:

First, there were many thousands of small private schools for the commoners' children. Feudal clan governments seldom interfered in the operation of these schools. Children learnt to read and write, Moral qualities like submission to family & obedience to superiors were taught.
The second kind of school was for the samurai's children and was run by feudal governments. Confucian moral values were taught.

B. Factors facilitating educational modernization

Before 1870, many of the late Tokugawa schools already taught Western science and technology. Thus the people were better prepared to accept Western knowledge after 1870. A sound basis for acquiring more Western knowledge had been laid.

Tokugawa education was based on a Chinese rather than a Japanese tradition. This made it easier for the Japanese to abandon Chinese learning in favour of Western knowledge, since both of them were of foreign origin.

By 1870, nearly half of the male population were literate. In fact, a historian says that Japan in 1870 "enjoyed one of the highest literacy rates of any non-industrial society". The Meiji leaders were all educated in the Confucian schools in late Tokugawa times. They had a Confucian respect for learning. They were thus enthusiastic for educational modernization.

C. Motives of modernization

Technical skills and Western knowledge, which other programs of modernization needed, could not be forever borrowed from the West through the employment of foreign advisers. Development of modern education in the long run enabled Japan to acquire such skills and knowledge herself.

Modernization would be useless if there were just modern institutions without modern citizens. The development of education could bring about a modern, literate citizenry.
Through education, the government could widen its popular support by the people.
On the other hand, the people, after having acquired some basic skills, could lead a better life. Education would raise the standard of living in society. From the 1880s on, however, education was used increasingly by the government to teach nationalistic ideas.
Through a nationalist education, the Meiji government attempted to strengthen national and social unity, thereby safeguarding national safety in an age of foreign imperialism.

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DEVELOPMENT IN EDUCATIONAL MODERNIZATION

During the 1870s, the Meiji government adopted a policy that aimed at a Western, liberal and utilitarian (i.e. a method is used only if it brings direct material and practical benefits) education. Starting from the 1880s, however, education became more and more undemocratic in Japan. It was used increasingly for political objectives.

A. Fundamental Law on Education of 1872

Aims -
a. To establish national control over education.

b. To impose uniform educational standards in the country.

c. To introduce universal and compulsory education for the people.

Contents
a. Education for a period of 16 months was made compulsory for all children 6 years of age. Japan would be divided into 8 educational regions. Each of them would have one university and 32 secondary schools. In each secondary school district, there would be about 200 primary schools. Administration would be centralized.

b. In school, Confucian moral lessons of the past were replaced by progressive and modern curricula based on the French model. Western knowledge and science were taught.

Textbooks were updated. Translated materials from American or English texts were borrowed.

In many schools, European rather than Japanese history was taught.

c. The French and American principles of education were accepted: the purpose of education was the material and intellectual advancement of the individual.

Development-
Progress was rapid. In 1877, a new education ordinance, more liberal than that of 1872, was introduced. By 1880, there were nearly 30,000 primary schools.

Problems -

a. First, teachers were lacking. As a result, foreign teachers had to be employed for the time being, while Japanese teachers were being trained.

b. Secondly, the capital needed for such an ambitious compulsory-education project was large. The government therefore ruled that parents had to pay part of their children’s school fees. Consequently, many poor peasants were unwilling to send their children to school.

c. Thirdly, people feared that compulsory education would result in heavy taxation. At the same time, the local government which was eager to preserve local power, viewed the national government's educational centralization with suspicion. Opposition to the new education system arose. Some elementary schools were burnt by ignorant villagers. Riots broke out.

d. Fourthly, the conservative peasants found it difficult to accept the Western idea of compulsory education.

e. Lastly, but most importantly, the Western and liberal approach to education aroused dissatisfaction from those conservatives educated in the Confucian tradition of the past. Motoda Eifu, the Emperor’s Confucian teacher, was one such conservative. They wished to bring Confucianism back into school teachings, and they complained that Japan's national spirit would be lost if education continued to be based on Western principles. The Emperor himself was alarmed at too Westernized an education.

- Once, when visiting a local school, he found out that some Japanese students speaking in English were unable to translate back into Japanese the English that they spoke. In 1879, he issued the Great Principles of Education and argued that the decline of Japanese culture was due to Western education.

- In the same year, Motoda published a book called Essentials of Learning for the Young to advocate a return to traditional education.

B. Education Act of 1879

Meanwhile, the Meiji government tried to get more popular support for the new education by changing from the French model of administrative centralization to the American model of educational decentralization.

In the Education Act of 1879, more power in educational matters was given to local authorities. The results were, however, unsatisfactory.

i. Without central guidance, the percentage of children attending schools declined instead.

ii. Local educational authorities began re-introducing traditional elements into school curricula.

C. Beginning of illiberal education

In the 1880s, the government started to make use of education as an instrument to teach loyalty to the Emperor, nationalist spirit, as well as respect for authority. Military training was introduced in school. Textbooks were checked by the government before they could be used.
Teachers were forbidden to attend any political meeting. In short, the liberal methods of the 1870s were abandoned Education became a way of social control.

D. Education Act of 1886

In 1886, changes were again made to the educational system. Under the leadership of Mori Arinori, the Prussian model, not the American one, was used.

i. The administration of education was again centralized.

ii. The period of compulsory education was extended to 4 years. Schools were made more specialized.

iii. A Dual System was adopted. At the lower educational levels, a moral education based on Confucian ethics (i.e. Confucian rules of conduct) and an emperor-centred nationalism was added to the original Western practical training. At the upper levels, including the university, the greatest possible academic freedom was allowed.

iv. Supervision over the schools was tightened. Private schools were subject to official licence and inspection.

v. The supremacy of the state at every educational level, from primary school to university, was confirmed.

Yet to many die-hard conservatives like Motoda, Mori’s policy was still too Western and liberal. These traditionalists wished to establish an educational system that pre-served more of Japan's national traditions. The opportunity came in l889, when Mori was assassinated by an ultra-nationalist.

E. Imperial Rescript on Education of 1890

This was issued by the Emperor under the influence of conservatives like Motoda. As one of them later admitted, the Rescript was intended to counter the growing influence of Western thought.

i. A rigid code of behaviour and belief was laid down for the people. The people were told not to give up national virtues like ancestor worship and filial piety.

ii. The educational ideal, according to the Rescript, was not the individual’s self-betterment; instead, it was the individual's service to the state. School children were taught total and unquestioned loyalty to the Emperor.

Until 1945, the Rescript was memorized by all school children. It was the bible of patriotism in Japan.

F. Authoritarian education after the 1890s

After the 1890s, education was put under stricter government control. Textbooks were all written and published by the state. In these textbooks, the students were ordered to be absolutely obedient. Religious stories of Shintoism (Japan's traditional religion) were presented as believable historical facts.

G. Higher education

The government established most of the universities. Private ones were founded only rarely. The graduates would be employed by the state in the various government departments. University education was a training ground for government officials.

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EFFECTS OF EDUCATIONAL MODERNIZATION

A. An instrument of ultra-nationalism and authoritarianism

By 1900, it was clear that education in Japan was far from liberal. Just as all teachers were civil servants under state control, university professors had to take oaths of loyalty to the government. In the long run, free thinking and a questioning mind, both of which were conditions for a successful democracy, were suppressed. Ultra-nationalism grew under such an authoritarian educational system, leading finally to the rise of militarism and expansionist aggression in Asia.

B. Greater social and national unity

But owing to modernized education, Meiji Japan had achieved to high degree of homogeneity (uniformity) of thought. Conflicts between social classes were therefore minimized.
Brought up by the same kind of education, both government officials and citizens shared common ideas and were equally nationalistic. Communications between the government and the people were made easier. Government administration was more efficient.

C. Increased social literacy

At the same time, because of the national system of education, the rate of social literacy was raised. More people knew how to read and write. In 1912, the Japanese government claimed that 95% of its population was attending school. However, literacy was in fact by no means nationwide: a survey of 22 factories in 1892 showed that about 1/3 of the workers had received no education at all. Yet there can be little doubt that there were more literate citizens.

D. Contribution to successful modernization

There were more technicians and skilled workers to carry out industrialization. Also, many of Modern Japan's political leaders had studied in the Tokyo Imperial University.

E. Greater political consciousness among the people and greater social mobility in society

Socially, national education increased the political consciousness of the people. The people began to demand more political rights. Social movements such as trade-union movements and student movements began to grow. On the other hand, greater social mobility was achieved. More people could move from low social positions to high social positions, or vice versa.

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Military Modernization

A. Factors facilitating military modernization

Japan's long militarist tradition made it easier for the people to accept military reforms and for the government to carry them out. Many government leaders had been commanders of the clan forces before 1868. They had experienced military encounters with the West, and they had fought the civil war that led to the 1868 Restoration. Besides, it was their military forces that gave the new government its main military support. Logically, therefore, they favoured military reforms. Effective political centralization should be backed up by the creation of national armies. So military reform was necessary.

Late Tokugawa military undertakings had already laid the foundation for further subsequent military build-up during the Meiji period:
a. The Tokugawa shogunate left behind a number of gunneries, some naval specialists and a varied knowledge of Western military techniques.

b. Clans like Satsuma and Choshu had experimented with modern military forces: Satsuma had created a naval squadron, and Choshu a land force, all on European models.

B. Aims

In the early 1870s, military modernization was carried out for the sake of defending Japan both against any possible foreign military threats and against any domestic rebellions or disorder. After the 1890s, however, attention was more and more concentrated on Japan's ability to fight and win a foreign offensive war and to acquire imperialist interests overseas.

C. Development of the army

Lack of a national army in the early 1870s - Strictly speaking, there was no national army under the Meiji government's control in 1870, as former clan armies were still not unified.
-In 1871, however, the situation changed for the better; an Imperial Guard was formed, when a few western clans put their troops under the direct command of the Emperor. With such a military backing, the Meiji government succeeded in effecting political changes like the abolition of feudalism and crushed internal opposition.

Conscription Law of 1873
- It was only after the introduction of the Conscription Law in 1873 that a truly national army began to take shape. According to the law, all Japanese males over 23 years old were required to serve a 7-year military service in the regular army, with 4 more years in the reserve.

Opposition to conscription
- The peasants were very dissatisfied with this sudden imposition of what seemed to them a strange and troublesome obligation. Consequently, riots broke out in the countryside. On the other hand, the samurai were also dissatisfied with the loss of their military status to the peasants. Many discontented samurai caused trouble. In 1878, even the Imperial Guard mutinied.

Efforts at reorganization after 1878 and their effects
- Although the revolt was quickly put down, Yamagata Aritomo, the Meiji leader responsible for military modernization, was fearful that the new national army was disloyal. He thus made efforts to reorganize the army:

a. First, whereas the new army had been based on the French model, army organization was now on German lines. Stricter discipline and tighter administrative control were introduced. A General Staff was created to advise the Emperor on military matters - a job that formerly belonged to the civil officials (non-military officials). As the General Staff could directly approach the Emperor, civil control of the military was lost.

b. Secondly, to cut the army off from being influenced by any democratic movement, Yamagata reintroduced the spirit of bushido for the troops.

In 1878, he issued the Admonition to Soldiers, emphasizing unquestioned obedience to the emperor.

In 1882, the Emperor himself issued the Rescript to Soldiers and Sailors, telling the soldiers to be loyal and to cultivate traditional militarist spirit. In this way, the authoritarian and militarist ideas of the feudal past were preserved in the army.

c. Thirdly, the 1873 Conscription Law was revised so that the periods of military service were extended.

By 1894, Japan would have 200,000 soldiers in case there should be war. Meanwhile, military colleges were founded, and a Staff College was set up for greater specialization of military functions. Expenditure on the army rose sharply.

D. Development of the navy

The organization of the navy was based on the British system. In 1872, a Navy Ministry was formed. Both Japanese-built and foreign-bought ships were added to the Japanese fleet.
By 1894, the fleet already had 28 modern ships, together with many torpedo boats. Dockyard facilities were also modernized.

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EFFECTS OF MILITARY MODERNIZATION

A. Political effects

Strengthening of the Meiji state
- In building up a strong army and teaching soldiers the values of obedience and discipline, the Meiji government was greatly strengthened.

- It had gained more support, and was in a better position to defend Japan against the Western powers and to re-negotiate unequal treaties with them.

- Moreover, she was able to fight successful wars: in 1894-5, she defeated China; in 19045, she defeated Russia.

Beginning of demand for more political rights in society
- The introduction of conscription, however, meant that the government expected the people to contribute military service to the state.

- In return, therefore, the people expected that the government should repay them by giving them more political rights. Popular political movements arose.

- Conscription gave these movements an excuse to demand constitutional rule.

The authoritarian military independent of civil control
- Most importantly, after the reorganization by Yamagata since 1878, the army became a strong-hold of authoritarian and militarist traditions. No democratic forces could break this stronghold. The military became a link with Japan's reactionary feudal past.

- Furthermore, mil. officers constantly interfered in politics and the civil affairs of the country. In a truly democratic country, the military forces are put under the control of the civil government that represents the people. In Japan, however, the mil. enjoyed independence from the civil government.

B. Economic effects

Demand for military-related industries
- Military modernization needed arms. Armament industries were developed, which benefited industrialization. For example, arms manufacturing led to the rise of metallurgical and engineering industries.

Introduction of Western knowledge
- Military modernization introduced Western technology and systems of organization into Japan, thereby bringing indirect gains to industries and other business undertakings.

C. Social effects

Destruction of localism
- Conscription enabled more Japanese to acquire technical skills. Because of conscription, more Japanese were drawn out of their village society to come into contact with urban livelihood.

- Ignorant peasant boys were given their first encounter with the modern world and its activities. All this helped the peasants to live a more modern life, and made it easier for them to accept modern things.

Increased political consciousness of the people
- Conscription increased the political consciousness of the Japanese. Local feelings were overcome as peasants underwent national military training.

Expansion in education
- As soldiers must be able to read simple orders or to know the names of weapons, national education was developed. Conscription contributed to stronger emphasis on the development of popular education. More specialized technical schools were founded to teach military science.

Promotion of militant Japanese nationalism
- Conscription helped teach qualities like obedience, spirits of courage and sacrifice, and loyalty to the Emperor among the people. A "Japanese spirit", which was a compound of traditional samurai spirit and imperial nationalism, began to take shape. In short, military modernization partly gave rise to the modern but militant Japanese nationalism.

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In Search of a National Ideology

A. The meaning and function of ideology

A national ideology is a body of thoughts, beliefs and ideas that all citizens of a nation share.
Generally speaking, if a country has a national ideology, conflicts of opinion among the people will be minimized. Its function is to give greater unity to a nation .

B. Shintoism at the expense of Buddhism and Confucianism

Shintoism, which was a native Japanese religion that regarded the Emperor as Japan's God, was adopted by the Meiji government as a national ideology. In 1871, a Ministry of Shinto Affairs was established. It enjoyed independence from other government departments and was responsible for educating the Japanese to become loyal to the Emperor. To make Shintoism the only religion in Japan, both Buddhism and Confucianism were discarded. Buddhist temple lands were confiscated by the government, and Buddhist ceremonies were abandoned at the imperial court. On the other hand, Confucian teachings were given up in the new schools.

C. Persistence of Buddhism and Confucianism

However, because both Buddhism and Confucianism had deep roots in Japanese society, the attempt to isolate them from Shintoism failed. Many Japanese still believed in Buddhism, and Confucian virtues like filial piety formed an inseparable part of the Japanese family system.

D. Combination of Shintoism and Confucianism: the "family-state" ideology

Consequently, in the 1880s, the government had to follow a different policy: Buddhism as a religion was tolerated, while Confucianism was combined with Shintoism.
The result was the formation of the "family-state" ideology in late Meiji times:
i. Within individual families, Confucian virtues such as filial piety and obedience to superiors were emphasized. Sons and daughters had to be loyal to the father.

ii. In the country at large, the Emperor was regarded as the "father" of all these individual families, for according to Shintoism, the imperial family was the national head family. In effect, therefore, the whole country became a big "family".

iii. Individual families would then extend their family loyalties upward to form a larger national loyalty to the emperor.

iv. In school, moral lessons taught virtues like filial piety, loyalty and obedience. With this "family-state" ideology, Japan achieved stronger social unity. Nationalism was also strengthened.

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Political Modernization

Background

A. Circumstances leading to the adoption of a constitution in 1889: the first phase,1870-1881

i. Split of the Meiji leadership in 1873
- It was the unity among different samurai leaders from a few feudal clans in late Tokugawa times that succeeded in bringing about the Restoration in 1868. This leadership unity was, however, broken in 1873.

- Two national issues divided the Meiji leaders:

a. The question of the composition of the new modern army to be created
- Some conservative and traditionalist leaders, led by Saigo Takamori (from the former Satsuma clan), argued that the samurai should form the core of the new army, while other more progressive leaders favoured an army composed of the conscripted peasants in which the samurai would only be a minority.

b. The problem of national defence against Western imperialism
- Again, it was Saigo, supported by Itagaki Taisuke(from the former Tosa clan), who urged a military expedition against Korea. They argued that an external war would bring internal unity for the country, raise the morale of the samurai, and forestall any Western imperialists from occupying Korea.

- The majority of other Meiji leaders, who were more cautious, wished to delay the proposed expedition till Japan was economically and militarily strong enough. They argued that if Japan really practiced an adventurous foreign policy, the Western imperialist powers would use the opportunity to attack Japan.

In the end, Saigo, Itagaki and their followers gave way to the other Meiji leaders. Peasant conscription, not a samurai-dominated system, was created. No military expedition was sent to Korea. In protest, both resigned from the government. Out of the disagreement over national policy, there emerged three groups of leaders:

a. The most powerful was the one in control of the government. It consisted of men like Ito Hirobumi (from the former Choshu clan).
- Most of these leaders came from Choshu and Satsuma. They intended to carry out modernization by first centralizing power in the government. They aimed at the creation of a strong state by binding the nation under the Emperor.

b. The second group, led by Saigo, consisted of conservative samurai who were dissatisfied with their loss of the samurai social position after the abolition of feudalism and the introduction of peasant conscription.

c. The third group, led by Itagaki, consisted of samurai leaders from other clans (except Choshu and Satsuma).
- These men supported the government in the abolition of feudalism but were dissatisfied with the monopoly of power by Choshu and Satsuma. They accused the Meiji government of being a "clan government" (Hambatsu)

ii. Opposition to the Meiji government in the 1870s
a. Peaceful opposition - In a struggle for power with the government, Itagaki adopted a peaceful policy.

- In 1875, he and his followers issued a statement to the government and called for the establishment of an elected political assembly. With a parliament, they argued, the government and the people would be united.

- Besides, since the Meiji government required the people to perform military service, the people had the right to demand political power from the state.

- From 1875 to 1881, Itagaki succeeded in making the movement for constitutional government a national issue. Peasants supported the movement because they believed a constitutional government would reduce taxation and withdraw conscription.

b. Armed opposition

- Meanwhile, Saigo and his followers were impatient with the method of peaceful opposition adopted by Itagaki. In 1877 Saigo revolted. This was the Satsuma Rebellion. Although it was quickly put down by the new peasant army of the government, it left behind two effects:

- First, its failure showed that the Meiji government was too powerful to be challenged by force. Thereafter, opposition to the Meiji government must follow Itagaki's peaceful way.

- Secondly, the Meiji government, knowing the danger of ignoring and excluding other leaders from political participation, began to consider seriously the practice of constitutional government.

iii. Government in favour of constitutional rule -
The Meiji government became in favour of constitutional rule, for the following reasons:

a. Many strong European powers had constitutions. The Meiji leaders believed that a constitution was essential for a modern state.

b. On contact with the West, the Meiji leaders were convinced that a constitution would broaden the base of popular support for the government.

c. A constitution based on Western models would gain Western appreciation. Then, Japan could better argue for a revision of the unequal treaties.

d. It was the Meiji leaders' dissatisfaction with the Tokugawa authoritarian rule that led them to overthrow it. Basically, therefore, they were opposed to authoritarian rule.

e. The Meiji leaders hoped that a constitution would raise the position of the Emperor and strengthen Japan's national identity.

In the early 1870s, the government told individual officials to draft different constitutions for consideration. One of the officials, Okuma Shigenobu (from Saga clan) submitted directly to Emperor in 1880 his draft which proposed a basically British system of government by political parties and suggested the opening of an elected parliament in the following year.
Other Meiji leaders, who were mainly Choshu and Satsuma men, considered it too liberal, and thus forced Okuma to resign from the government.

iv. Different motives concerning the future constitution
a. To the Meiji government, a constitution could strengthen the state by uniting the people and the government.

b.To men like Itagaki and Okuma, a constitution would give them power and limit the rule of the Meiji government.

B. Circumstances leading to the adoption of a constitution in 1889: the second phase,1881-1889

Government decision to adopt a constitution in 1881 -
- In 1881, government reputation was badly affected by a big scandal connected with some state officials. To regain the people's confidence, the Meiji leaders knew that the promise of a constitution could not be delayed.

- Thereby, the Emperor announced that a constitution would be promulgated and a parliament would be opened by 1890.

Formation of political parties -

a. Reform Party (Kaishinto) - Okuma, now out of government, organized a Reform Party. It advocated the British type of constitutional government. It drew support from urban intellectuals, former government officials and businessmen.

b. Liberal Party (Jiyuto) - At the same time, Itagaki organized a Liberal Party. It advocated the French type of political organization. It drew support from rural peasants, landlords and the poor people in cities.

c. Constitutional Imperial Party (Rikken Teiseito) - In order to compete with the Liberal Party and the Reform Party, the Meiji government sponsored a party herself, known as the Constitutional Imperial Party. It was based on the Germany model.

Government suppression and party disbandment in the 1880s
- During the 1880s, the Meiji government began limiting party activities through restrictive press and association laws. Many small peasants and tenant-farmers of the Liberal Party protested against government suppression. Some of them even broke into open revolts.

- Yet the top party leaders (like Itagaki), who mostly consisted of former samurai leaders and landlord merchants, refused to support their junior party members, who mostly came from the lower social classes.

- Furthermore, to show that they had no responsibility for the rebellions and to avoid being accused of treason, the top party leaders disbanded their parties altogether.

- From the beginning, therefore, Japanese political parties failed to develop solid links with the people. They bowed easily to government suppression.

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DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL MODERNIZATION

A. Preparatory steps taken by the government before the promulgation of a constitution in the 1880s

In promising, as early as 1881, to adopt a constitution by the year 1890, the Meiji leaders had gained a long period of time during which they could
(a) take measures to strengthen the Emperor's rule before actual constitutional rule was practiced; and

(b) carefully work out a constitution that would safeguard rather than limit the government's power.

i. Measures to strengthen the Emperor's rule - It was decided that the Emperor should be supreme, above the constitution and uncontrolled by the future parliament.

• Thus the Imperial Household Ministry (which was responsible for managing the Emperor's properties) was removed from the cabinet's control. The properties owned by the Emperor were increased, so that he could pay for the entire armed forces and the police from his yearly income, independent of the parliament's financial control.
• The Meiji civil service was modernized and centralized, so that the future parliament could not control it. The whole civil service system was re-organized on the German model. Government officials were employed under strict state control. High officials were still selected by the top Meiji leaders. New civil service regulations were issued to make sure that civil servants would be loyal to the Emperor.
• In 1884, the nobility, which had been abolished in the early 1870s, was re-established. It consisted of the former daimyo and court nobles. With the re-establishment of the nobility, the Emperor's position was strengthened.
• In 1885, the first Japanese cabinet was formed. It was headed by Ito and was directly responsible to the Emperor.

ii. Drafting a constitution

• In 1882, Ito was appointed as the head of a mission to study European constitutions. After arriving in Europe, Ito sent a junior official to France, while he himself went to Germany. The reason was that from the very beginning, the Meiji leaders had already decided to adopt an undemocratic Prussian-style constitution. In Germany, Ito attended the lectures of a well-known jurist, Gneist, and got much conservative advice. In 1883, the mission returned to Japan. In 1886, under the personal supervision of the Emperor, Ito began working out a constitution.
• A Prussian adviser, Dr. Roessler,was employed. Since Roessler was opposed to popular rule, his advice no doubt fitted well with Ito's intention. The work was being carried out in strict secrecy. By 1888, drafts of the constitution were finished. Instead of presenting them to the people for ratification, Ito sent the drafts to the newly created Privy Council (headed by him and consisting entirely of conservative officials) for revision.
• In 1889, the Meiji Constitution was promulgated. Only then did the people get to know its content and provisions.

B. The Meiji Constitution 1889

The Constitution was granted by the Emperor to the people. The Constitution was written in general terms. The Emperor could give orders outside the scope of the Constitution.
The Emperor was "sacred and inviolable" and above the Constitution.

Effective power lay with the Emperor:

• He commanded the military forces and controlled foreign policy.
• He appointed cabinet members, judges and Privy Council members.
• He could dissolve Parliament (Imperial Diet) at will.
• He could prevent any bill passed by Parliament from becoming law.

Parliament (Imperial Diet) was divided into two houses.

- The Upper House was the House of Peers; the Lower House was the House of Representatives. The Upper House consisted of life members appointed by the Emperor. They were the nobles re-established by Ito in 1884.The Lower House had 300 members elected for 4 years service by 1% of the population.

The cabinet could in practice ignore Parliament in carrying out its policies.
The annual budget of the government was subject to Parliament's vote before it was accepted. But in case Parliament refused to approve the budget, the previous year's would be used again.

The Meiji leaders were advisers to the Emperor from behind the scene. They were known as Genro (literally meaning "elders"). They were not bound by the Constitution.
The citizens were given freedom of religion, of speech and of association.
- Nevertheless, the government reserved the power to withdraw the citizen's rights if it felt necessary to do so.

Figure: Meiji Constitution

A Contrast

Main features in Ideal Liberal Constitution

• The Constitution is approved by the people and promulgated in the name of the people.
  The Constitution is often written in specific details. Whatever the government does must be constitutional.
• Even the Emperor must obey the Constitution.
  Effective power lies with Parliament, especially the Lower House:
• Parliament commands the military forces and controls foreign policy through the cabinet.
• The Lower House elects the cabinet. Judges enjoy independence guaranteed by the Constitution.
• The Emperor has no right to dissolve Parliament.
• Any bill passed by Parliament will become law.
• Since the people elect Parliament, effective power is in the hands of the people.
  Both the Upper and Lower Houses are elected by the people. All adult people have the right to vote.
• The cabinet must have the approval of Parliament, or else Parliament will force the cabinet to resign.
• The annual budget must have the approval of Parliament, otherwise no budget can be used.
• Every political act and every statesman is bound by the Constitution.
• The freedoms and rights given to the citizens are guaranteed and safeguarded by the constitution.
  
  
  

C. Reasons for the adoption of such an undemocratic constitution (reasons for the failure of the democratic movement)

Insincere attitude to democracy among party leaders
- The political parties of the 1880s had no real intention of giving more power and rights to the people.

- Party leaders like Itagaki were either former samurai or merchant-industrialists who were anxious to shape power with the Meiji gov’t leaders, not to transfer power to the people.

- Most of them had no real interests in democracy, and democracy had no roots in Japanese tradition.

- The parties, moreover, failed to develop any ideology (a body of beliefs) to compete with the sacred claims of the Emperor. When government suppression was carried out, the parties easily fell apart.

- Meanwhile, some top party leaders like Okuma made peace with the government and sided with it. They abandoned the democratic movement.

Strength of the Meiji government
- The Meiji government was determined to hold its political power. The Meiji leaders cleverly made use of the Emperor system. They stood out to represent the true personal rule of the Emperor.

- Any accusations against them would appear to be accusing the Emperor at the same time, which was treasonous.

- Having promised a constitution, the Meiji leaders had a long period of time to work out a constitution that permitted strong government rule.

The need for national unity
- Both the party leaders and the Meiji government leaders were agreed on the need for national unity to defend against Western imperialism.

- The force of nationalism gave the Meiji leaders an excuse to write an undemocratic constitution that strengthened the state.

Lack of democratic tradition
- Authoritarian tradition was strong in Japanese society. There was, for example, a traditional dislike of parties. They were viewed as groups that disturbed political harmony.

- The people were accustomed to obedience and discipline. As a result, social democracy failed to take root in Japanese society.

D. Legal Reforms

Japan knew that the Western powers would consider revising the unequal treaties only if the Japanese legal system was up to Western standards. Thus law reforms were carried out by the Meiji government, largely under foreign guidance.
In 1871, a Judicial Department was set up. Then a French lawyer was employed to draft three law codes for Japan: one criminal, one civil and one commercial.
When these codes were introduced, many people were dissatisfied, as the codes were felt to be too Western.
Consequently, revisions had to be made again and again. Under the new system, judges were trained. Judicial and administrative powers were separated. Torture was abolished. Rules of evidence and court procedure were laid down.

EFFECTS OF POLITICAL MODERNIZATION

A. Contribution to Japan as a modern state

Although the constitution was undemocratic, Japan had at least adopted a Western political structure. This helped her to become a modern state. The Meiji state was politically strengthened.

B. Background to the rise of party rule in the 1920s

To opposition leaders like Itagaki, there were at least opportunities for political activities.
Although the Meiji leaders still held effective power, they gradually found it necessary and convenient to cooperate with the parties which re-emerged after 1890.
Ito even organized a party himself. These developments paved the way for the rise of party rule and democratic experimentation in the 1920s.

C. Political rights given to the people

The political rights and freedom given to the people were great. These were necessary if the ignorant people were to be turned into modern citizens.

D. Rise of new social movements

Through public speeches and discussions, the political parties popularized Western thoughts and ideas that they imported into Japan.
After the 1900s, these new Western ideas began to attract some believers. New social movements began to appear.

E. Underlying cause of the rise of militarism in the 1930s

The gains of the constitution were not institutionized (not firmly rooted in law). The Emperor was above the constitution. Military leaders and the Genro could influence him outside the limits of the constitution.
The entire constitutional government could easily be turned into a militarist dictatorship. This was what really happened later in the 1930s.

F. Misunderstanding of democracy

Right from the start, democratic movements were confused with nationalist and patriotic movements in Japan. The real meaning of democracy was not understood.

@ PYL Woo, adapted by TK Chung